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Views of democracy and society and support for political violence in the USA: findings from a nationally representative survey

September 29, 2023

BackgroundCurrent conditions in the USA suggest an increasing risk for political violence. Little is known about the prevalence of beliefs that might lead to political violence, about support for and personal willingness to engage in political violence, and about how those measures vary with individual characteristics, lethality of violence, political objectives that violence might advance, or specific populations as targets.MethodsThis cross-sectional US nationally representative survey was conducted on May 13 to June 2, 2022, of adult members of the Ipsos KnowledgePanel. Outcomes are weighted, population-representative proportions of respondents endorsing selected beliefs about American democracy and society and violence to advance political objectives.ResultsThe analytic sample included 8620 respondents; 50.5% (95% confidence interval (CI) 49.3%, 51.7%) were female; and weighted mean (± standard deviation) age was 48.4 (± 18.0) years. Nearly 1 in 5 (18.9%, 95% CI 18.0%, 19.9%) agreed strongly or very strongly that "having a strong leader for America is more important than having a democracy"; 16.2% (95% CI 15.3%, 17.1%) agreed strongly or very strongly that "in America, native-born white people are being replaced by immigrants," and 13.7% (95% CI 12.9%, 14.6%) agreed strongly or very strongly that "in the next few years, there will be civil war in the United States." One-third of respondents (32.8%, 95% CI 31.7%, 33.9%) considered violence to be usually or always justified to advance at least 1 of 17 specific political objectives. Among all respondents, 7.7% (95% CI 7.0%, 8.4%) thought it very or extremely likely that within the next few years, in a situation where they believe political violence is justified, "I will be armed with a gun"; 1.1% (95% CI 0.9%, 1.4%) thought it very or extremely likely that "I will shoot someone with a gun." Support for political violence and for the use of firearms in such violence frequently declined with increasing age, education, and income.ConclusionsSmall but concerning proportions of the population consider violence, including lethal violence, to be usually or always justified to advance political objectives. Prevention efforts should proceed urgently based on the best evidence available.

Anticipatory concerns about violence within social networks: Prevalence and implications for prevention

January 11, 2023

Most research on exposure to violence focuses on direct victimization, offending, or witnessed violence, yet many people also experience concerns about potential violence in their environments and social networks. Using a state-representative survey of California adults (n = 2870) administered in July 2020, we estimate the prevalence of anticipatory concerns about violence within respondents' social networks and describe characteristics of the persons at perceived risk of violence, reasons for respondents' concerns, and actions undertaken by respondents to reduce that risk. Approximately 1 in 5 respondents knew at least one person, usually a friend or extended family member, whom they perceived to be at risk of other- or self-directed violence. Among respondents living with the person at perceived risk, about one-quarter reported household firearm ownership. Alcohol and substance misuse and a history of violence were among respondents' top reasons for concern; serious mental illness and firearm access also contributed to concerns. About one-quarter of respondents with such concerns said harm was likely or very likely to occur in the next year. Most respondents reported having taken action to reduce the risk of violence, including providing resources and asking family or friends to help; few acted to reduce access to lethal means. The most common reasons for inaction were the perception that a dangerous situation was unlikely and that it was a personal matter. Our findings can help inform a broader understanding of exposure to violence and interventions that leverage the knowledge of those close to persons at risk to prevent violence.

Supporting the Economic Security of Undocumented Immigrants

November 15, 2022

While California has been a leader on immigrant rights, people who are undocumented continue to face harmful exclusions to achieving economy security and participating in California's prosperity. Our interconnectedness shows us that investing in the economic security of undocumented individuals will strengthen the families and communities who depend on and love them; build greater prosperity for the entire state and economy now and in the long-term.This primer was developed by the Asset Funders Network and California Immigrant Policy Center (CIPC) to provide an overview of the intersectional issues impacting economic security for undocumented immigrants in California. It is designed to provide funders, policymakers, advocates, and practitioners with strategies and solutions to support economic mobility and justice for undocumented immigrant communities, and ultimately build a more equitable and resilient California for all.

Extreme risk protection orders, race/ethnicity, and equity: Evidence from California

August 6, 2022

Extreme risk protection orders (ERPOs) provide a civil mechanism to temporarily remove firearm access from individuals at high risk of harming themselves or others. Evidence and theory suggest that ERPOs can prevent firearm-related harm, but the policy's impact on racial/ethnic equity is largely unknown. To examine potential inequities by race/ethnicity in public perceptions and use of California's ERPO law, we drew on two complementary data sources: 1) a 2020 state-representative survey of California adults, and 2) ERPO court documents for the first 3 years of policy implementation (2016–2018). Majorities (54–89%) of all racial/ethnic groups reported that ERPOs are at least sometimes appropriate, and 64–94% were willing to ask a judge for an ERPO for a family member. However, Black and Hispanic/Latinx survey participants less often perceived ERPOs as appropriate and were less willing to serve as petitioners, with Black participants citing lack of knowledge about ERPOs and not trusting the system to be fair as their top reasons for unwillingness. Similarly, review of ERPO court documents revealed that no family or household members served as petitioners for Black and Hispanic/Latinx ERPO respondents. Additionally, Black respondents were the least likely to have documented access to a firearm and legal representation in court. Racial/ethnic equity in ERPO use may be improved by reducing barriers to petitioning, incorporating non-law enforcement intervention professionals like behavioral health specialists into the ERPO process, providing legal assistance to respondents and petitioners, and investing in the social safety net.

Fresno, California, The Cost of Gun Violence: The Direct Cost to Tax Payers

April 22, 2022

The National Institute for Criminal Justice Reform (NICJR) received funding from The California Wellness Foundation, which has invested in violence prevention efforts in Fresno, to conduct a detailed analysis and publish this Cost of Gun Violence study documenting the detailed government expenses that accompany every injury shooting in the City. NICJR tracked the direct costs of each shooting and has deliberately used the low end of the range for each expense. Additionally, not included in this study are the loss of production costs when the victim(s) or suspect(s) were working at the time of the incident. Nationally, those costs have been estimated at an additional $2 million for each shooting incident. Therefore, the calculated per homicide cost of $3.0 million in Fresno is a safe estimate, the real cost is likely even higher.

Implementation and perceived effectiveness of gun violence restraining orders in California: A qualitative evaluation

October 19, 2021

BackgroundUptake of gun violence restraining orders (GVROs), which temporarily prohibit the possession and purchase of firearms and ammunition from individuals at particularly high risk of harming themselves or others with a firearm, has been slow and heterogenous across California. Insights into the implementation process and perceived effectiveness of the law could guide implementation in California and the many states that have enacted or are considering enacting such a law.MethodsWe conducted 21 semi-structured interviews with 27 key informants, including judges, law enforcement officers, city and district attorneys, policy experts, and firearm violence researchers. Analysis of transcripts was guided by grounded theory and the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR).FindingsThe following constructs emerged within 4 CFIR domains as salient features of implementation: 1) implementation characteristics: risk of violence, cost, and adaptability; 2) outer setting: interagency coordination and local firearm ideology; 3) inner setting: readiness for implementation and law enforcement firearm culture; and 4) implementation process: planning and engaging with those involved in implementation. Key informants perceived the law to be effective, particularly for preventing firearm suicide, but agreed that more research was needed. While most indicated that the law resulted in positive outcomes, concerns about the potential for class- and race-based inequities were also raised.ConclusionsImplementation of the GVRO law in California was hampered by a lack of funding to support local proactive implementation efforts. This resulted in ad hoc policies and procedures, leading to inconsistent practices and widespread confusion among those responsible for implementation. In states that have not begun implementation, we recommend dedicating funding for implementation and creating local procedures statewide prior to the law's rollout. In California, recommendations include providing training on the GVRO law—including an explication of agency-specific roles, responsibilities, and procedures—to officers, city attorneys, and civil court judges.

West Athens-Westmont, California, The Cost of Gun Violence: The Direct Cost to Tax Payers

May 1, 2021

The National Institute for Criminal Justice Reform (NICJR), in partnership with the Los Angeles County Office of Violence Prevention (OVP), was commissioned by the California Wellness Foundation to conduct a detailed analysis of the Cost of Gun Violence in West Athens-Westmont. NICJR and the OVP tracked the direct costs of each shooting and have deliberately used low-end estimates for each expense. Additionally, not included in this assessment are productivity losses relating to victim(s) or suspect(s) who were working at the time of the shooting. Nationally, those costs have been estimated at an additional $1-2 million for each shooting incident. Therefore, the calculated per homicide shooting cost of $3.1 million in West Athens-Westmont is a conservative estimate; the real cost is likely even higher. 

For the Community, By the Community: The We Count LA Impact Story

February 10, 2021

Participation in the census is critical to the well-being of future generations of Los Angeles County. Census data plays an integral role in influencing the allocation of millions of dollars in federal funding for vital services and programs for our communities — from schools and hospitals to housing and roads. The census also determines the number of congressional members sent to the Capitol to represent our region, making an accurate count in Los Angeles County profoundly important.In a landmark effort, California Community Foundation (CCF) convened a powerful coalition of 115+ community-based organizations (CBOs) across the region to count historically under-counted populations, coordinated and united under one region-wide campaign: We Count LA. As trusted messengers with deep relationships and connections in their respective communities, these CBOs would be the faces and voices of the census, encouraging the diverse and vulnerable communities of Los Angeles County to participate in the 2020 Census. Amid the unforeseen global and national events of 2020, this task became seemingly impossible. Yet the unifying force of community resilience pushed the We Count LA campaign to become responsive, adaptive and innovative in trying to accomplish its goals.

No Going Back: Policies for an Equitable and Inclusive Los Angeles

September 9, 2020

Prior to the stay-at-home public health directive, civic boosters promoted Los Angeles as a metropolis that was confronting its problems and making progress. Local and state governments enjoyed budget surpluses, unprecedented investments were committed by Angelenos to respond to homelessness, and access to health care and high school graduation rates were at historically high levels, while unemployment and crime rates were at celebrated lows. But behind this glossy view of LA, a closer look at the data would have revealed a very different reality, where decades of structural and systemic racism resulted in significant social, economic, and racial inequality. Just a few months into a global pandemic, the cracks in the broken systems have become gaping holes, widening each day. Today, the calls for systemic change are loud, consequential and urgent.Early in the response to the COVID-19 pandemic, ten foundations wisely convened a diverse group of community, civic, non-profit, labor and business leaders to identify the systemic issues emerging from the crisis and to offer up a blueprint for building a more equitable and inclusive LA. Their past philanthropic work had made it clear that Los Angeles was becoming increasingly inequitable, and they feared the acceleration of disparate impact centered on income and race. The Committee for Greater LA was formed, and for the past five months, it has steered the analytical work completed by two of LA's leading institutions, UCLA and USC, supported by a team of consultants. The report that follows reflects our discourse, analysis and discovery.

Fresno, California, El Costo de la Violencia Armada: El Costo Directo Para Los Contribuyentes

June 1, 2020

El Instituto Nacional de Reforma de la Justicia Penal (NICJR) recibió financiación de la Fundación para el Bienestar de California (California Wellness Foundation), quienes han invertido en la prevención de la violencia en Fresno, para llevar a cabo un análisis detallado y publicar el costo de violencia armada. El estudio sobre la violencia que documenta en detalle los gastos que hace el gobierno en cada lesión por tiroteo generado en la ciudad. NICJR rastreó el costo directo de cada disparo y ha empleado deliberadamente el extremo más bajo de la gama para cada gasto.

A Healthy Smile Never Gets Old: A California Report on the Oral Healthof Older Adults

March 1, 2018

Despite their unique challenges with access to care, mobility, aging, and health complexities, little attention has been paid to the status of oral health in older adults. Nationally, approximately 50% of nursing home residents are unable to perform three or more of the "Activities of Daily Living,"18 one of which is personal hygiene that includes oral care. Due to these and many other factors, the risk of poor oral health and its impact on the overall well-being of older adults is significant and deserves more attention. The more common conditions that affect older adults are tooth loss, lack of contact between upper and lower teeth, gum disease (e.g. swollen and bleeding gums), poor condition of natural teeth (e.g. teeth that are decayed and loose in their socket), xerostomia (dry mouth) and ill-fitting dentures. These conditions are also fueled and exacerbated by natural changes associated with aging and other chronic health conditions. These conditions can negatively impact overall health by making it difficult to chew or speak, undermining nutrition, leading to infection, exacerbating chronic conditions like hypertension and diabetes, impacting self-esteem, and lowering quality of life.

San Joaquin Valley Health Fund: 2018 Policy Platform

January 1, 2018

Over the last three years, a policy committee comprised of more than 50 San Joaquin Valley Health Fund (SJVHF) nonprofit leaders has met to accelerate policy and systems changes to improve the health and well-being of vulnerable children and families and advance racial equity and social justice in the region.In order to accelerate momentum, residents and local elected officials need to work together. Recognizing that, Stockton Mayor Michael D. Tubbs and Chet P. Hewitt, President and CEO of The Center at Sierra Health Foundation, convened a Leadership Conference in October 2017 in Stockton to discuss policy priorities and to create a Leadership Executive Committee, comprised of local elected officials from the Valley advocating on a united platform of policy priorities.A joint meeting of the Leadership Executive Committee and the SJVHF Policy Committee was subsequently convened to discuss and identify a set of priorities that can advance policy change on a larger systems level.The San Joaquin Valley Health Fund believes advocating for a Golden State for All means that we do not leave anyone behind. Our fundamental rights derive, irrespective of legal status, from the U.S. Constitution and the Bill of Rights. As such, we will provide the leadership that some elected officials at the national level have failed to provide. Together, we are committed to building a movement across issues, ethnicities and counties so that future generations have a healthier future. The Valley is rising!The following are policy priorities that build upon our 2017 Policy Platform.